For more than six months, Democrats have used their positions of power to disenfranchise Republican voters, artificially boost Democrat turnout, and make voter fraud much easier to commit. Alarmingly, this disgusting abuse of power and attempted electoral interference has been going on in plain sight.
When Republican Congressman Sean Duffy suddenly announced his retirement last September, Democratic Wisconsin Governor Tony Evers announced that a special election to replace him would take place not on the traditional Tuesday, but rather on a Monday. More bizarrely, the primary election would take place on Monday, December 30th, the day before New Year's Eve and in the middle of the week in which more Americans are on vacation than any other. The general election was set for Monday, January 27th, 2020.
Why not a Tuesday? Governor Evers said that the earliest he could legally schedule the primary was Monday, December 24th, but since that was Christmas Eve, he didn't want to schedule an election on a holiday. Naturally, Evers never explained why the general election had to also be on a Monday instead of Tuesday, January 28th, but the reason was rather obvious. He wanted to artificially depress turnout in the heavily Republican Seventh Congressional District, which had re-elected Duffy by a 60%-39% margin even in the "Blue Wave" 2018 midterm.
Voters naturally would assume that the election was on a Tuesday, and since far more Democrats than Republicans typically vote early (while far more Republicans vote on Election Day itself), far more Republicans than Democrats would miss the election because of the crazy scheduling.
Evers' scheme, however, ran afoul of federal law, which requires Congressional races to have 45 days between the primary and general election so as to allow for time to mail ballots to military and overseas voters. On top of that, Wisconsin law provides that no election can occur after February First unless it coincides with the Spring Election. Naturally, Evers didn't want huge numbers of Republican voters turning up at the polls for the Supreme Court Race on April 7th, so he refused to simply schedule the special election to coincide with the Spring Election.
His reasoning? People in the Seventh Congressional District would go far too long without representation in Congress. He wanted an election earlier. This was proven to be an outright lie, though, when he scheduled the special election primary on the day of the Spring Primary on February 18th, but scheduled the general election on May 12th, more than a month after the Spring Election. If Evers really wanted the people of the Seventh District represented in Congress as quickly as possible, he would have simply scheduled the election on April 7th. But he didn't. He didn't want hundreds of thousands of Republicans to have an added incentive to vote for conservative Supreme Court Justice Dan Kelly. He wanted to artificially limit Republican turnout in the 26 counties that make up the District.
At the same time Govenor Evers was trying to depress Republican turnout, liberal Democrats on the Wisconsin Election Commission (WEC) staff decided to flatly ignore state law and make vote fraud much easier to commit. In October, those staffers decided to ignore the clear letter of Wisconsin Statute § 6.50(3), which sets out the process by which the WEC is to remove the names of voters who have moved from Wisconsin's voter rolls:
Upon receipt of reliable information that a registered elector has changed his or her residence to a location outside of the municipality, the municipal clerk or board of election commissioners shall notify the elector by mailing a notice by 1st class mail to the elector's registration address stating the source of the information. All municipal departments and agencies receiving information that a registered elector has changed his or her residence shall notify the clerk or board of election commissioners. If the elector no longer resides in the municipality or fails to apply for continuation of registration within 30 days of the date the notice is mailed, the clerk or board of election commissioners shall change the elector's registration from eligible to ineligible status.
Rather than complying with this obvious legal mandate to deactivate the names of voters who had moved after 30 days, the WEC instead sent notices to approximately 234,000 of these "movers" indicating that "instead of deactivating their voter registrations within approximately 30 days under Wis. Stat. § 6.50(3), deactivation would take place between 12 months and 24 months, giving the Movers a chance to vote in both the General and following Spring Election."
This was a direct violation of state law. The WEC was legally required to deactivate these names, but acting on the recommendation of its staff, commissioners did not.
The following month, the Wisconsin Institute for Law and Liberty (WILL) filed a lawsuit, demanding that the WEC obey the law. On December 13th, Ozaukee County Circuit Court Judge Paul Malloy ruled in WILL's favor and ordered the WEC to immediately remove the 234,000 mover names from the voter rolls.
Shockingly, the WEC's three Democrat-appointed commissioners--Mark Thomsen, Ann Jacobs, and Julie Glancey--flatly refused, voting to ignore the order and ensuring that the WEC would be deadlocked and unable to move forward with the removal.
Judge Malloy held each of them, as well as the WEC as a whole, in contempt and ordered them to pay $250 a day for each day they failed to comply with his order. Amazingly, though, before any of them could pay a cent, Wisconsin's Fourth District Court of Appeals swooped in and issued a stay of both the contempt ruling and Judge Malloy's original order. Twice before, the Fourth District's three liberal judges--JoAnne Kloppenburg, Jennifer Nashold, and Michael Fitzpatrick--had declined the WEC's requests to place the order on hold, but amazingly they had a sudden change of heart the second it became clear the WEC would actually have to follow the order.
The Democrats on the WEC desperately wanted those old names and addresses to remain on the voter rolls, and now they had a court ruling backing them. Even though there would be no actual harm in removing the names (even if in error) since Wisconsin has same-day voter registration and there would be tremendous harm if those names could be used to commit massive voter fraud, the liberals Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals suddenly demanded that those names remain on the voter rolls.
Still, Wisconsin did have some protection against widespread fraud. Voter ID requirements were still in place and Wisconsin couldn't simply mail absentee ballots out to more than 200,000 addresses that Democrats knew registered voters no longer lived.
Or so it was thought.
After Justice Kelly and uber-liberal Dane County Circuit Court judge Jill Karofsky advanced from the primary on February 18th and fears over the suddenly spreading Coronavirus gave Democrats an opportunity to break election laws in the name of maintaining public health.
Having defeated a Republican effort to make early voting hours uniform across the state in early 2019, the two largest cities in Wisconsin--Milwaukee and Madison--which also happen to be by far the two most heavily Democratic cities in Wisconsin, were free to begin early voting as soon as the ballots could be printed. Because they have much bigger staffs and therefore much greater ability to man early voting locations, they have many more hours of early voting than do smaller and more Republican-leaning cities and towns.
On March 9th, Madison began early voting. A week later, on March 16th, Milwaukee followed suit. Tens of thousands of votes--almost all of them Democrat votes--were cast before a single Republican area opened its early voting locations. The Coronavirus, though, had spread so rapidly and scared so many Wisconsinites that online requests for mail-in ballots skyrocketed. The statutory deadline to register to vote online and request a mail-in ballot was midnight on March 18th, but the Wisconsin Democratic Party and Democratic National Committee sued to extend that deadline until April 3rd.
The lawsuit also demanded that the state "drop a requirement that voters provide photo identification when requesting absentee ballots, and to allow any absentee or vote by mail ballot postmarked by April 7 to be valid for the election."
"In Wisconsin, the state Democratic Party said it had shifted its entire organizing apparatus to a digital campaign during the coronavirus outbreak," The New York Times reported. "Part of that includes a huge digital canvassing effort through emails, text messages and social media posts to persuade voters to register online and request a vote by mail or absentee ballot."
For the first time in its history, the Democratic Party was abandoning efforts to turn out voters on Election Day. It was focused only on early voters. There was a reason. In-person voting was about to be drastically limited.
On Friday, March 20th, Governor Evers repeatedly assured an uneasy state that he was not considering a "shelter-in-place" executive order similar to ones that had just been issued in Michigan and Illinois. Both the Governor and members of his Administration said both publicly and privately to legislative leaders that he was not leaning toward such an order or even seriously considering it.
Two days later, though, Milwaukee election commissioner Neil Albrecht surprisingly closed all three early voting locations in the city. Suddenly Democrats were at an early voting disadvantage since Republican early voting locations were set to open the next day and Milwaukee's were now shut down.
At about 9:30 the next morning, within a half hour of early voting locations opening in most Republican cities and towns, Governor Evers tweeted a stunning reversal: He was going to issue a shelter-in-place order after all. Just three days after swearing that he wouldn't, he tweeted that he would the following day. He unfortunately provided no details on which businesses would be allowed to remain open and curiously didn't mention the status of early voting, which was now underway across the state.
When his order was released the following day, it was totally silent on the issue of in-person voting. Liquor stores were explicitly listed as essential businesses that could remain open, but polling places were not? It defied explanation, unless of course the explanation was that constitutionally Evers could not ban in-person voting but was counting on Democratic city clerks in Republican areas to do it for him.
After all, the Democratic Party had just signaled that it was not putting any effort into in-person voting. What if the election could be won by simply counting the votes that had already been cast? After all, Madison had a two-week head start and Milwaukee had a one-week head start on every Republican city. Why not preserve the advantage by limiting in-person voting as much as possible?
Democratic Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett (who is on the Spring ballot as he faces re-election) demanded that the Legislature do just that and ban in-person voting altogether.
"Under the present circumstances, in-person voting, particularly with lines of people, is simply not safe, feasible, or responsible," he wrote. "In good conscience I would not ask one of my loved ones to sit in a room for hours greeting dozens of people during this pandemic. I can't expect citizens of my city to do that either."
Democratic Racine Mayor Cory Mason "has asked for every registered voter in the state to be mailed a ballot, and have the election be entirely conducted by mail."
Democratic Green Bay Mayor Eric Genrich took it a step further and filed a federal lawsuit demanding that the state cancel in-person voting because it would be "'functionally impossible' to administer the election and maintain social distancing."
"The city wants a judge to cancel in-person voting, allow it to send absentee ballots to all registered voters, extend the deadline for registering online or by mail to May 1, and give the city until June 2 to count ballots," The Associated Press reported.
The same day that lawsuit was filed, Democratic Dane County Clerk Scott McDonell--who publicly endorsed Karofsky's Supreme Court bid--announced that all voters in Dane County (the second-largest Democratic county in the state) should click a box signalling that they are "indefinitely confined" because of Governor Evers' shelter-in-place order and therefore do not have to upload a photo ID when requesting a mail-in ballot. A few hours later Democratic Milwaukee County clerk George Christensen issued similar guidance to voters in the largest Democratic County in the state.
This is flatly wrong. Since Governor Evers' order allows for people to leave their homes to go to work at essential businesses and to shop at grocery stores, hardware stores, and even liquor stores, it is patently obvious that the order is not "confining" anyone to their homes. Moreover, no one is "indefinitely confined" since the order explicitly ends on April 24th. Thus, the plain meaning of "indefinite confinement" reveals that both McDonell and Christensen are so ridiculously wrong in their interpretation of the law that the only logical explanation for their guidance is an effort to circumvent photo ID laws.
But why would that be? It's not as if there are hundreds of thousands of ballots that could be mailed out to hundreds of thousands of voters who have already moved and then filled out by someone else without having to provide an ID, are there? There are. The Fourth District Court of Appeals order is still in effect. The 234,000 names of voters who have moved are still on the rolls.
Of course, in order for one of those names to be sent a ballot, he or she would have to request it, right? Wrong. On Friday afternoon, March 27th, Governor Evers announced that he wants to mail a ballot to every single registered voter in the state.
That would include more than 200,000 voters who have moved to new communities in Wisconsin or left the state altogether. Since most of those names are in Milwaukee and Dane County, whose clerks have announced that photo IDs won't have to be uploaded when ballots are sent in, the opportunity is ripe for vote fraud on a massive scale.
Making that fraud even easier is an ongoing push to cancel in-person voting. On Friday afternoon, Christensen issued a press release indicating that all of Milwaukee County's municipal clerks had signed on to his call to conduct the election entirely by mail and that they had sent a letter to Governor Evers and Republican leaders in the State Legislature to demand that they cancel all in-person voting:
Fortunately, it appears as though at least some judges are able to see through this blatant effort at mass disenfranchisement. On Friday night, a federal judge dismissed the lawsuit filed by Green Bay's mayor seeking to cancel in-person voting. The Associated Press reported:
Judge William Griesbach, in his ruling Friday, said the federal court lacks jurisdiction in the matter, and he made arguments that the city and its mayor don't have the standing to sue the state.
The State argued that the City of Green Bay -- and Neenah, which moved to join the suit -- are not permitted to sue the state. Green Bay amended its lawsuit to name Mayor Eric Genrich as a plaintiff.
But Judge Griesbach said that wasn't enough. He said the only federal issue raised in the lawsuit was the equal protection clause in the Fourteenth Amendment, and precedent states that municipalities are not persons that can claim their Fourteenth or Fifth Amendment due process was violated.
As for the amendment claiming Genrich's due process is being harmed by the state forging ahead with the April 7 elections, Griesbach said the mayor failed to show he requested an absentee ballot, could not get an absentee ballot, or couldn't deliver the ballot in time. Even if he could prove that, the judge wrote, "his personal difficulty by itself would hardly warrant the extraordinary relief" the cities were requesting.
Meanwhile, the Republican Party of Wisconsin on Friday issued an emergency appeal to the Wisconsin Supreme Court to stop Christensen and McDonnell from unilaterally ignoring the state's Voter ID law, as the GOP recognizes this for what it is: A blatant plot to get fraudulent votes cast.
It is, in fact, the culmination of more than a half of a year of effort on the part of Democrats across the state to use their positions of power in the Capitol, in the Wisconsin Election Commission, in appellate courts, and in County clerk and Mayor's offices to ignore, circumvent, and outright break state election law. The purpose is clear: To cheat; to steal and election for Wisconsin Supreme Court. The effort is as transparent as it is obvious, and what's perhaps most disturbing about it is that it has gone on in plain sight.